It’s been a week of debates about economics, ethnicity and inequality.
The most interesting story of the week combines all three issues – the controversial decision announced by the Minister of Whanau Ora to shift provision of the funding outside the walls of the state.
Similarly, on the right, Muriel Newman says that essentially Whanau Ora is a ‘Maori-only welfare programme’ and the latest change hands the power and funds over to Iwi leaders – see:
Institutional racism. Newman also critiques historic and contemporary attempts to introduce Treaty clauses into government legislation.
For a much more positive account of the changes to Whanau Ora, see Morgan Godfery’s
In defence (well, sort of) of Whanau Ora. Incidentally, Godfery has also blogged a defence of ‘discriminatory’ gender practices in Maori culture, saying that ‘it's wrong to impose a western conception of sexism on Maori protocol’ – see:
Powhiri: the sexism edition.
This is why the story of the Pakeha Party has been so interesting and important, despite its current marginality in electoral politics. Matthew Hooton says:
Pakeha Party good news for John Key [paywalled]. He argues that such a party is likely to rob votes from the bases of both Labour and New Zealand First. He also believes that ‘Next year’s election is the Pakeha Party’s first and last chance to succeed. Soon after 2014, the Treaty of Waitangi settlement process – which so aggravates many who like the Pakeha Party – will conclude’.
But ethnicity politics is hardly a marginal issue in New Zealand – arguably the Maori and Mana parties have more influence on politics than, say, New Zealand First. After all, the deciding factor in next year’s election could end up being who wins the Maori seat of Waiariki. Te Ururoa Flavell currently holds the seat, and he’s just become the co-leader of the Maori Party (
Dishwasher promoted to co-leader), which held its annual conference last week, and affirmed the party’s stance of continuing to work with National, even potentially a National-led government after the next election. All of these decisions have probably killed off the possibility of a Mana-Maori alliance developing (
Maori-Mana union unlikely). Instead, it now looks more likely that Mana and Labour will be pushed to develop an electoral alliance in 2014 – whereby Labour gives Mana a free run in Harawira’s seat, but also allows Mana to run the main opposition against Flavell in Waiariki – Mana's Annette Sykes already pushed Labour into third place there in 2011.
The quid pro quo would be that Labour would not have to compete against Mana in its attempts to re-gain the Te Tai Hauauru and Tamaki Makaurau - sweeping the Maori Party from Parliament altogether. The upshot is that – with the Maori Party currently polling about 2% of the party vote and dependent for its survival on retaining Waiariki – National’s chances of governing again could depend on which way this seat goes. A win for Flavell could provide National with three or more seats; a win for Sykes/Mana could provide a Labour-led government with at least two seats – therefore the result in Waiariki could lead to a crucial difference of five MPs for either the Labour or National-led bloc.
Other recent important or interesting items include the following:
Who runs politics in New Zealand? Is it the MPs or the party professionals? For an interesting insight into the spin-doctors behind David Shearer, see Audrey Young’s
Reshaping Shearer as potential PM. Shearer has a media team of four ex-journalists as well as a team of four political advisers. On top of that there are media trainers who get brought in to finesse Shearer’s political communication style.
The next big moral question for MPs to debate could be a private members bill about euthanasia put forward by Labour’s Maryan Street. Except some in Labour want her to withdraw the bill – see Isaac Davison’s
Euthanasia bill under party pressure. Blogger No Right Turn is naturally dismissive:
A surfeit of caution.
Twitter can be a powerful and amusing political device for MPs. Claire Trevett has an excellent rundown on the state of this political arena – see:
MPs unleashed in Twittersphere.
Finally, the more hyperbolic critics of John Key are often likening him to other ‘terrible’ PMs like Rob Muldoon or describing him as similar to Helen Clark or even Stalin or Caligula. And so The Civilian’s Ben Uffindell takes a poke at the likes of Martyn Bradbury and Clare Curran in his report,
Study finds that every Prime Minister was worst Prime Minister.
Bryce Edwards
Welfare reform
SkyCity deal
GCSB
Education and Novopay
Drugs bill
Defence defamation trial
Maori-Pakeha politics
Latest polls
Labour Party
Glenn enquiry
Milford tunnel
Economy and Housing
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Bryce Edwards
Fri, 19 Jul 2013